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Friday, 1 August 2014

The Onus of Proof » The Australian Independent Media Network

The Onus of Proof » The Australian Independent Media Network

Ei incumbit probatio qui dicit, non qui negat

If there was ever any doubt, it has now been undeniably shown. The
ultimate aim of conservative government is to acquire ultimate power
unrestricted by considerations of proof or evidence.

The Daily Telegraph reports today
that Attorney-General Senator George Brandis will be bringing a new
batch of laws to Cabinet next week dealing with the subject of
terrorism. Amongst the mooted provisions is the idea that Australian
travellers to Syria, Iraq or other declared zones must be “presumed” to
be involved in terrorism. More importantly, the onus will be on the
returnee to prove that they were not involved in terrorist activities.

The new legislation appears to be in response to the recent media
reports of  two Australians, Khaled Sharrouf and Mohamed Elomar, assumed
to be fighting with jihadis in Syria. Nobody can deny that the apparent
actions of these men – their alleged crimes – are heinous and
deserving of punishment. With that in mind, it is important to remember
that an Australian committing a crime in an overseas jurisdiction cannot
be charged and punished for that crime when they return to this
country. That is why we have extradition laws. If these men have
committed war crimes, or if the “war” in Syria is illegal and their
actions constitute murder, they were carried out in a foreign
jurisdiction; the killing of foreign nationals in a foreign nation does
not make them guilty of any crime in Australia.

But not if Senator Brandis has his way. With the new provisions in
law, if Sharrouf and Elomar were to return to Australia they are
automatically guilty. They could be arrested at the airport and brought
to court on the presumption of involvement with terrorist groups, something for which there does exist
Australian law. Currently Australia does not apply mandatory minimum
sentences for terrorism offenses, but conservative governments
continually seek to impose these.

Some might not seek to protest about this outcome for Sharrouf and
Elomar. It seems beyond serious dispute that these men have contravened
our understanding of civilised society, have been involved in activities
that should be punished, and would be extradited for foreign justice if
Syria had such a thing as a functioning legal system. But laws drafted
to apply to one or two people may still have wrenching outcomes for

It’s not a long time since the Campbell Newman government in Queensland implemented their highly controversial “illegal bikie gangs” laws, which coincidentally also include provisions to reverse the onus of proof.
Some protested about this at the time, but protests fell on deaf ears
and the laws still exist and are still being applied. It would be
salutary not to forget them. Under these laws, belonging to a motorcycle
gang and simply being in the same place as two others from the same
club is sufficient to make you automatically guilty of illegal
association. Immediately and without appeal you can then be arrested,
held for thirty days in solitary confinement and confined for
twenty-three hours out of every twenty-four. That automatically then
becomes a mandatory minimum sentence of at least 100 days imprisonment,
unless you can prove that the organisation you belong to (not you personally)
is not engaged in criminal activity. In other words, you would need to
be able to prove that your bikie gang did not exist for the purposes of
bar fights. Whilst it seems logical that bar fights might be an
unintended outcome of any gathering of people, rather than any specific
gang, proving that the group does not support or promote that activity
is nearly impossible. Additionally, if one defendant can prove that, it must automatically apply to all others defendants from the same gang. If you can prove
that, you are effectively negating the State’s classification of the
gang as a lawless association. There are so many flaws and ethical
conundrums inherent in this set of laws that we can barely scratch the
surface here.

Presumption of innocence

Presumption of innocence is fundamental to our system of law. I don’t
normally quote from Wikipedia, but in this case the principle is so
basic and universal that I will use its definition: “the principle that
one is considered innocent until proven guilty. In many nations,
presumption of innocence is a legal right of the accused in a criminal
trial. The burden of proof is thus on the prosecution, which has to
collect and present enough compelling evidence to convince the trier of
fact, who is restrained and ordered by law to consider only actual
evidence and testimony that is legally admissible, and in most cases
lawfully obtained, that the accused is guilty beyond reasonable doubt.” Guilty beyond reasonable doubt. We accept this condition. We rely on it, should we ever have the misfortune to be caught up in the legal system. Innocent until proven guilty has been the cornerstone of Australian legal practice since its foundation.

“Tony Abbott declined to rule out a reversed onus of proof,
but said any changes would be “consistent with our traditional
principles of justice and freedom”. This is a pure oxymoron; it is
impossible to remain consistency with our traditional principles when
you’re talking about reversing the cornerstone.

How do you prove innocence? Even our courts don’t currently try to do that. As others have pointed out, the best you can hope for in a modern trial is a verdict of “Not Guilty”. This does not equate to innocence.
If you cannot be proved to have committed the crime, you are not
guilty; you may still have committed the crime, but our system
deliberately errs on the side of caution. The presumption of innocence
exists because it is better to let guilty parties go free than to lock
up innocents. This is a fundamental component of our understanding of
jurisprudence and to reverse it means that people will be caught up in and eaten by the system. Of course, the Coalition has form in this – look no further than the case of Mohamed Haneef.

If you don’t do anything wrong, you don’t have anything to worry about

Oh yes you do. Let’s consider for a moment the kinds of people who
might visit a “declared zones”. Certainly, there will be a small number –
an exceedingly small number – who travel to conflict areas for the
purposes of violent jihad, or just for kicks. There are mercenaries,
even from Australia, who fight for the highest bidder, not being
beholden to Allah but simply seeking to parlay their skills into profit.
Putting aside the ethics of the equation, if jihadis and violent
thrillseekers and mercenaries are caught up in these laws, that’s
probably the intended outcome.

The Greens and Labor suggest that these changes may also apply to aid workers and journalists. Of course, the Coalition doesn’t actually believe in the work that aid workers (reduction in Australia’s aid budget) or journalists (culture of secrecy) do, so they possibly think these are acceptable outcomes.

But what about family members? There are people living in Australia
who originate from conflict areas. Some of these happen to be Muslim,
and have relatives living in peaceful cities in Syria, Iraq, Afghanistan
or other countries otherwise beset by war and unrest. People do travel,
and people do visit these countries for reasons other than violent
jihad. It’s not a stretch at all to think that a Muslim man, visiting
his family in Baghdad, might return to find himself forced to prove that
he did not, while he was there, consort with militants. That can be very hard to prove. Read: impossible.

How about tourists? Iraq and Syria, Turkey and Egypt, India and
Pakistan – there are wondrous works of nature and of man in these
places, and Australians travel there every year to visit them. Are all
of these tourists, young and old, single and married, Christian and
Muslim and Buddhist, to be automatically assumed guilty of terrorism

If the answer is no, the question becomes How do you tell which ones? Only
the Muslims? Perhaps any Muslims between certain ages? If you need to
prove that somebody is appropriate to have laws applied against them,
then you should have to prove it. There are no circumstances
under which a blanket rule like this can be applied without it either
applying to everyone, or basically giving carte blanche to
bureaucrats to ignore otherwise necessary burdens of proof. Relying on
instinct and gut feeling have been shown, time and again, to be
insufficiently rigorous methods of jailing people.

Finally, how do you identify a “declared zone”? Iraq and Syria are
currently topical. In recent years we have seen unrest in Egypt,
Tunisia, Libya, Yemen. There have been protests in Algeria, Morocco and
Israel. There were minor protests in Saudi Arabia, Oman and Mauritania.
How about Thailand? Burma? Indonesia? Bali? There is conflict and
terrorist activity across the breadth of the world, including in any
number of places to which Australians love to travel. Not every
Australian who travels to Sri Lanka wants to be a Tamil Tiger. Not
everyone who goes to Bali intends to bomb cafes. If you can accuse one
such traveller of such crimes – indeed, assume their guilt unless they
can prove otherwise – you have to apply it to all.

Of course, this legislation has not yet gone to Cabinet, let alone to
the Parliament. There’s still plenty of time to see it changed or
dropped. We can only hope that the Coalition will have the sense to take
a more moderate approach; and when the current government’s
intransigent lack of moderation brings these laws to the Parliament, we
can only hope that the crossbench senators will see these laws for what
they are – another step down the road towards a police state.

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